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The Adverse Experiences of Child Soldiers

Armed conflict can be one of the most destructive events known to humankind. From the stone age until the present day, wars have been fought over resources, territory, power, and riches in an almost constantly recurring cycle. It damages infrastructure, topples economies, destroys social networks, and has particularly harmful consequences on children and young people regarding their well-being and development.

However, whilst wars and conflicts have always raged there has invariably always been a distinction drawn between combatants and civilians[i]; a bargain struck so that the most vulnerable of society would be granted immunity from the horrors of war. Unfortunately, this sentiment does not represent the realities of war, nor how those most vulnerable often act in the face of conflict – in particular, how children act.

Children in modern conflicts have unfortunately become intrinsic to warfare and how it is waged with the most basic laws of the Geneva Convention being violated in every major warzone as children are targeted in efforts to inflict terror on populations. This callous tactic not only poses a severe physical threat to children, as they may be killed or injured but also a psychological threat to wellbeing and life post-war. What has become most worrying in modern times is how the impacts of conflict do not always affect children as passive actors. In many countries where war is present, children are increasingly assuming more active roles in the conflicts that persist in their communities.

Children brandishing arms is indeed by no means a new development. The Spartans took boys from their family homes at the age of seven to train in the military whilst the Ottoman Empire stole children from its subjects in the Balkan states to fill out the ranks of its Janissary army through a system referred to as the devshirme[ii]. In more recent history, when the Iranian regime began to falter in the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s children from the ages 12 upward were called up to fight Saddam Hussein’s Iraq in the new ‘Holy War’[iii]. But in present times, the training and use of child soldiers has become more commonplace than ever.

In 2017 it was estimated that more than 100,000 children were currently being forced to play active roles in conflicts[iv] in the fifteen UN-identified countries Yemen, Somalia, Myanmar, Sierra Leone, Colombia, Afghanistan, South Sudan, Sudan, the DRC, Iraq, Mali, Nigeria, Syria, the Philippines, and the Central African Republic. However, these are only the recognised countries and there are many more nations where groups are suspected of cultivating children as active participants in violence and crimes across the globe; even in some Western countries where terror cells, separatist groups and nationalists lurk beneath the visage of peace.

Today most active child soldiers are enlisted in rebel militia groups in developing nations in Africa, Asia, and South America. Militia groups often rely on a steady stream of voluntary recruits to sustain their operations. But when this voluntary stream runs dry some do resort to forced recruitment – a strategy that has become particularly prevalent among those groups that operate with children in their ranks. The extent and scale of this recruitment can, and does, differ between groups as conflicts run their course as some may employ children for individual missions whereas others will utilise them throughout.

It is important to note that this is not a problem limited to young males. The role of child soldiers is played by both boys and girls; and whilst it is commonly assumed that children recruited by militia groups are automatically handed weapons and trained as soldiers, it is not always the case. Children often take up other roles within these groups such as cooks, spies, or messengers. Young girls are particularly vulnerable when recruited as they can also face the burden of sex work resulting in physical and mental damage that lasts a lifetime even when emancipated. Regardless of how they are recruited or what role they play, child soldiers are victims of war and poverty. A child enacting a role that does not send them to the front lines of a conflict is still exposed to varying levels of violence, abuse, risk, and hardship – even though it may take different forms.

But what is most worrying about the current station of child soldiers is that not all of them are taken by force from their domiciles, or even coerced. A large quota voluntarily join armed conflicts with little resistance. The reasons for this all link back to poverty and deprivation in times of conflict.

Recruitment vs Voluntary Conscription

Whilst many children are recruited by armed groups, it is not enough to simply condemn those groups responsible for recruitment; especially when it is also the case that many children voluntarily and willingly join up. Children who join armed groups voluntarily are often already experiencing the impacts of war or conflict which can push them towards fighting. Traumatisation and brutalisation are two key experiences that push some children to join up. Children can experience high levels of trauma when witnessing violence through shelling strikes, shootings, landmine explosions and other atrocities in their communities that provoke them to conscript with armed groups to fight back – whether against a civil enemy of one further afield. Similarly, brutalisation is experienced as children are targeted by warring factions and are subject to search operations, improper detention in unlawful circumstances and sometimes torture – all of which contribute to a decision to fight the perceived inducer of these experiences.

But the main contributing factor that pushes children and young people to join armed conflict is deprivation and poverty. Families who have been displaced by conflicts and who are lacking income, jobs, food, and other necessities for survival often encourage children to voluntarily join armed groups as a way to make ends meet in extreme circumstances. Employment in armed groups affords children the potential for a roof over their heads, food, and, to a lesser degree, protection from the war outside. The choice to fight therefore becomes a plea to change their position in society and improve their opportunities for growth and development – or rather, at least it is perceived that way. The reality when living and participating in armed groups is often far different.

But what if war hasn’t devastated a child’s home; why do they then still choose to conscript? An answer for this lies in the Middle East at the tip of the Arabian Peninsula, in Yemen. Yemen is a country whose civil war has been ongoing since 2014 and child soldiers have become an intrinsic part of the Houthi rebel group’s (and to a lesser extent government forces too) tactics. Since 2015, there have been nearly 4000 verified child soldiers active in the region[v] – with the actual unverified number expected to be much higher. The UN says that over 10,200 children have been killed or maimed in the war since its start nearly a decade ago which has pushed many others into the fighting. But what is most concerning, however, is the unusual socially prescribed relationship young men and boys have with guns.

Acquiring and owning weapons is engrained in Yemeni culture historically[vi] and the link between gun ownership and manliness is an intrinsic part of Yemeni tradition that has stood for hundreds of years. Even before guns, men used to carry curved daggers known as jambiya as a sign of strength and manhood. Firing guns in celebration of weddings, birthdays and more is common practice and a sign for rejoice among many. But whilst traditional tribal law prohibited the use of these weapons by and against women and children, these rules have been bent and broken over the last decade, especially with young boys.

The eternal pairing of weapons and manliness has resulted in the self-arming of many young boys who visualise their coming-of-age with fantastical ideas of guns and masculinity reinforced by a needless war that only provokes conscription to armed groups. For Yemeni boys, not having a gun would lower their status in social circles and limit their opportunities for development whilst transitioning into adult life. It is therefore as intrinsic a possession as the shoes on your feet and is why the country has such a prolific gun culture. There are an estimated 2 guns for every 1 person in the country with a population of roughly 23 million[vii]. Focussing the blame onto rebel groups, therefore, ignores the systemic problem that causes voluntary conscription in the first place and ignores an opportunity to challenge the issue at its roots.

The Dar Al-Salam Organisation: منظمة دار السلام (DASO) – or ‘House of Peace’ in English – is an indigenous Yemeni non-governmental organisation (NGO) focused on conflict resolution and disarming practices. The organisation has developed over 250 grassroots peace committees across the country working with over 4000 tribal leaders to conduct multiple youth peace-building workshops across the country. The workshops aim to promote the ethos of peaceful coexistence as an alternative to war[viii] to combat the doctrine of guns and manhood among the country’s young boys (and girls, although to a slightly lesser extent). The organisation also runs campaigns to stop youth conscription into violence to prevent further young people from involving themselves in the war.

But whilst campaigning and education on disarming practices are pivotal to the country’s fight against gun culture and child soldiers, the problem persists. As a result of the war, children experience issues of traumatisation and brutality as a common occurrence whilst also experiencing deprivation and poverty. All this pushes people to sign up to play more active roles in conflict – a position only reinforced by Yemen’s deeply enshrined hegemonic gun culture. This unfortunate cycle of adverse experiences only serves to push more young people into the midst of war and conflict. But despite now having a position to earn both economic and social capital, the experiences of children in these situations are far from improved.

Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs)

The experiences we have in our early life, particularly those in childhood, play a significant role in individual growth and development. Both our physical and mental health; our behaviour and emotions; and our ability to form meaningful attachments and relationships can be drastically altered and impacted by our situational experiences both as a child and in later life.

The concept of adverse childhood experiences or ACEs is central to a discussion about child soldiers. The concept defines and encompasses the potentially traumatic experiences that some children live with between the ages of 0-17. The term incorporates various experiences, including domestic abuse, neglect, witnessing and partaking in violence; substance misuse, mental health concerns and consistent instability in the home and the community[ix].

Whilst the impacts of ACEs are significant while young, people who experience ACEs in early life often suffer from the adverse effects of it in later life – particularly with their mental and physical health. People often suffer from an increased risk of certain health conditions in later life such as heart disease and cancer whilst also experiencing greater levels of mental health conditions such as depression and anxiety – of those people who are diagnosed with mental health conditions in adulthood, 1 in 3 have previously experienced ACEs[x]. ACEs are also linked to issues of toxic stress (both as a child and as an adult) which can have adverse effects on various aspects of a person’s life[xi], including a further risk to physical health.

Poverty is itself an ACE. Children living in poverty are already at greater risk of experiencing significant physical and mental health problems which negatively impact their well-being. Poverty brings with it a multitude of economic and social insecurities such as lacking the necessary resources to feed or clothe oneself efficiently, heat their home, or properly engage with wider social actors resulting from inefficient opportunities to socialise and social stigmas and labels of the poor. The effects of poverty on a child are devastating on their own but when combined with localised violence and crime, the impacts can be even greater.

Most importantly, children who experience a combination of ACEs and poverty can have their integral understanding of social interaction thwarted and often struggle to understand various emotions (both personally and when exhibited by others). This makes it extremely complicated to process thoughts and feelings both as a child experiencing ACEs and as an adult. Young people experiencing ACEs often, therefore, find it hard to form attachments with others. This can be the result of an unsafe home ensuing from neglect or abuse but can further translate into wider social interaction. When lacking attachment, people are known to struggle as we are inherently sociable creatures[xii] and this is a key contributing factor as to why some children voluntarily join militia groups or gangs. These collectives can provide children with the support and attachment missing from their lives growing up experiencing poverty, neglect, and various other ACEs in the home. If voluntary, joining an armed group like this can instil a sense of connection and attachment that is otherwise vacant in the lives of impoverished children[xiii]. However, the reality of life inside an armed group is far from this and often involves the experience of multiple other ACEs.

How do ACEs Affect a Child Soldier’s Development and Adult Life?

The ACEs that children experience whilst playing their role in warfare are proven to drastically impact their psychological and social development whilst young and leave long-lasting legacies on their mental and physical health as they grow up – some of which are gender specific.

Whilst acting as soldiers, children face various ACEs such as a loss of access to school and healthcare, poor access to food and suitable shelter, forced displacement, and separation from family[xiv]. They further witness and endure physical and sexual abuse. But the most traumatic ACE that affects children both as active and passive actors in armed conflict is witnessing, and partaking in, violence. Children in militia groups are routinely exposed to varying levels of death and injury in war. Some experiences come from the side-lines, acting as medics to injured peers, others come looking down the barrel of a gun on a battlefield. Regardless of how they may be experienced, witnessing such atrocities causes significant harm to children while still serving in armed groups and for a long period after adulthood.

The psychological distress of fighting in wars is well documented with various studies concluding a strong link between the violence experienced in combat and the diagnosis of multiple different mental health concerns such as depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)[xv]. But how experiences of conflict operate in the psyche of children post-war is not as widely understood. Both adult soldiers coming home from combat tours and child soldiers in post-war situations experience psychological issues exhibited in sleep disturbances, eating disorders, aggressive behaviours, and a dramatic increase in suicidal behaviour maintained by high levels of toxic stress. Individuals are unable to turn off their body’s fight or flight response to previously experienced stressful situations and therefore exist in a constant state of stressful anxiety. This is particularly potent among children who have experienced multiple ACEs and is especially evident among ex-child soldiers.

For example, between 1991 and 2002, Sierra Leone experienced one of the worst civil conflicts in recent history that displaced over 75% of its population[xvi] resulting in both a poverty and refugee crisis. The conflict was notorious for the roles that children played throughout whether as combatants or in other positions. In 2021, the country had a Human Development Index (HDI) score of 0.477[xvii], placing it 181^stout of 191 countries published on the list; and whilst health professionals in the country are justifiably prioritising their focus on the country’s high rates of infant mortality, there has been a lack of attention paid to the fragile psychological state of the country’s ex-child soldiers who were active in the 90s.

Research by Theresa Betancourt, the leading expert on Sierra Leone’s child soldiers, found that ex-child recruits in the country are experiencing high levels of trauma since the conflict ended in 2002. Of those children who had joined armed groups, 63% had witnessed violent death; 62% had been beaten by armed forces; 39% had been forced to take drugs; and 27% had killed or injured others in war[xviii]. Experiencing these kinds of atrocities at a young age can impair the development of the prefrontal cortex which affects logical thinking and memory. This can contribute to a greater risk of suffering from depression and anxiety among war-exposed youths as they disassociate their feelings from their experiences and therefore struggle to logically tackle social encounters when the feelings resurface in later life. These, in turn, impact other areas of life such as finances, attachment and social interaction – especially when there are lasting stigmas attached to their actions whilst in service.

Multiple other external stressors influence how individuals behave post-conflict. Perceived stigmas from external actors play a massive role in how ex-child soldiers perceive themselves and measure their self-worth. It also limits their opportunities to socialise as other actors do not accept or accommodate them in a way that allows them to reintegrate into mainstream society. This can ultimately result in individuals retreating to the fringes of civilisation so as not to feel judged. But this reinforces their perceptions of themselves and how they feel society views them and amplifies the potential spiral of an individual’s mental health.

But despite the odds stacked against them, the rehabilitation and reintegration of child soldiers back into mainstream society is possible. Evidence suggests that despite the trauma many ex-child soldiers live with resulting from the numerous ACEs they have experienced, positive developmental outcomes are achievable if the right resources and support available[xix]. There is a multitude of humanitarian aid and support that incorporates holistic trauma-led approaches to helping children after wartime that can and do help children who have actively participated in conflicts.

The United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone set out a peacebuilding mandate that focussed on the demobilisation, disarmament, and reintegration of child soldiers’ post-civil conflict. The agency disarmed 75,000 ex-fighters, many of whom were children and in efforts to promote peace, alongside other UN agencies, set up numerous projects to provide jobs to thousands of unemployed youths rebuilding schools, medical centres and more[xx]. Most importantly, the projects provided a safe space overseen by UN peacekeepers where young children involved in fighting could reintegrate into wider society without the stresses or stigmas that may have otherwise been present if excluded.

More generally across the world, UNICEF, commissioned by the UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict, provides psychological support during this transition period. They run courses on sensitisation and reconciliation efforts so that children can cognitively process what they have experienced and begin to live with the trauma they may possess.[xxi]. Furthermore, once children have completed these courses, some programmes attempt to reunite them with their families so that they can receive the love, support and attachment that is so desperately needed to promote stability and good mental well-being.

There are also many other NGOs acting to combat the impact of ACEs on ex-child soldiers. The Children and War Foundation is a non-profit organisation that helps children in communities that were previously affected by war. They have developed numerous study-proven interventions and support groups for ex-child soldiers to discuss their experiences and develop coping strategies in life after war. War Child is another agency that does similar work but also additionally runs multiple rehabilitation programmes for children suffering from drug addiction as a result of doping in armed militia groups that aim to reduce their reliance on using and instead focus on positive growth outcomes.

It must be noted that the rehabilitation of ex-child soldiers is highly gendered and whilst the above services are available for both genders, young women and girls face additional challenges when reintegrating back into wider society – especially when they have been victims of sexual abuse. 1 in 6 children in war zones are victims of sexual abuse; of that statistic, 98% are young women[xxii]. With a lack of state systems to report the crime, social stigmas, and the fear of retaliation by the perpetrator; young women can often feel extremely isolated when conflicts resolve and, like other ACEs, the impacts of the abuse can have long-lasting negative effects. UNICEF runs programmes the world over for child victims of sexual abuse. These include support for safe and accessible reporting, reliable medical support, and gender-based violence recovery sessions where both physical and mental well-being support is available for survivors living with the impacts of abuse and exploitation.

The Bigger Picture

What becomes clear is that condemning those who recruit child soldiers is not a complete solution. Children, in many instances, will fight voluntarily. And whilst in some cases this may be a desired position of status, such as for young men in Yemen; in many instances, the life of a child soldier is thrust upon its participant as a result of wider social processes. War itself alongside vulnerability, insecurity, deprivation, and poverty are all key push factors for the voluntary conscription of children into armed groups. When this is combined with the forceful nature of militia recruitment tactics, it produces a recipe for a cycle of abuse that will continue unless addressed as a whole.

The work that is being done by the UN and various other NGOs around the world to help ex-child soldiers confront the adverse experiences they encounter whilst fighting is pivotal to their rehabilitation and assimilation back into wider social practices. But if we are to prevent children from fighting in conflicts in the future, then we need to eradicate the root societal causes as well as address the post-conflict fallout whilst condemning and fighting the groups that recruit in the first place. But in a world order where ‘the original sin of humanity is its inability to live at peace’[xxiii]; will this ever be a plausible and encompassing solution?

[i] Singer, P.W. (2005). Children at War. Pantheon Books, New York.

[ii] Alvarez, J. (2020). Devshirme, the recruitment of Christian children by the Ottoman Empire to become soldiers and officials. LBV Magazine Cultural Independiente. Retrieved from: https://www.labrujulaverde.com/en/2020/08/devshirme-the-recruitment-of-christian-children-by-the-ottoman-empire-to-become-soldiers-and-officials/

[iii] University of Chicago. (2011). The Graphics of Revolution and War: Iranian Poster Arts Exhibition. University of Chicago Library, Chicago.

[iv] Mulroy, M. et al. (2020). Begin with the children. Child soldier numbers doubled in the Middle East in 2019. Middle East Institute. Retrieved from: https://www.mei.edu/publications/begin-children-child-soldier-numbers-doubled-middle-east-2019

[v] Nasser, A. (2023). Child Soldiers in Yemen: Cannon Fodder for an Unnecessary War. Arab Center Washington DC. Retrieved from: https://arabcenterdc.org/resource/child-soldiers-in-yemen-cannon-fodder-for-an-unnecessary-war/#:~:text=UNICEF%20reported%20at%20the%20end,have%20been%20recruited%20since%202015.

[vi] Root, T. (2013). Gun Control, Yemen-Style. The Atlantic. February, 12.

[vii] Abdullah, K. (2010). Yemen Gun Culture Harms Stability, Helps Militants. Reuters Online. Retrieved from: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-yemen-arms-idUSTRE6B73FJ20101208

[viii] Dar Al-Salam Org. (2023) Education for Peace project. منظمة دار السلام. Retrieved from: https://peace-yemen.org.ye/?p=12757

[ix] CDC. (2023). Fast Facts: Preventing Adverse Childhood Experiences. Centre for Disease Control and Prevention CDC. Retrieved from: https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/aces/fastfact.html

[x] NHS. (2023). Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs) and Attachment. Manchester University NHS Foundation Trust. Manchester.

[xi] Center on the Developing Child. (2023). What are ACEs? And how do they relate to toxic stress? Harvard University. Boston. Retrieved from: https://harvardcenter.wpenginepowered.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/ACEsInfographic_080218.pdf

[xii] Young, S. (2008). The neurobiology of human social behaviour: an important but neglected topic. Journal of Psychiatry and Neuroscience. Sep; 33(5): p. 391-392.

[xiii] AACAP. (2017). Gangs and Children. American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. Sep; 98. Retrieved from: https://www.aacap.org/AACAP/Families_and_Youth/Facts_for_Families/FFF-Guide/Children-and-Gangs-098.aspx

[xiv] Betancourt, T, et al. (2020). Stigma and Acceptance of Sierra Leone’s Child Soldiers: A Prospective Longitudinal Study of Adult Mental Health and Social Functioning. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. Vol. 59; No. 6: p. 715-726.

[xv] Applewhite, L., Arincorayan, D., Adams, B. (2016). Exploring the prevalence of adverse childhood experiences in soldiers seeking behavioural health care during combat deployment. Military Medicine, Vol. 181; No. 10: p. 1275–1280.

[xvi] Betancourt, T. et al. (2011). Sierra Leone’s Child Soldiers: War Exposures and Mental Health Problems by Gender. J Adolesc Health. Jul; 49(1): p. 21-28.

[xvii] UNDP. (2021). Human Development Index: Explore HDI. UNDP Human Development Reports. Retrieved from: https://hdr.undp.org/data-center/human-development-index#/indicies/HDI

[xviii] Harvard T.H. Chan (2011). Life after death: Helping former child soldiers become whole again. Harvard School of Public Health. Retrieved from: https://www.hsph.harvard.edu/news/magazine/child-soldiers-betancourt/

[xix] Betancourt, T, et al. (2020). Stigma and Acceptance of Sierra Leone’s Child Soldiers: A Prospective Longitudinal Study of Adult Mental Health and Social Functioning. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry. Vol. 59; No. 6: p. 715-726.

[xx] UNAMSIL (2005). Sierra Leone – United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone – Background. UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations. Retrieved from: https://peacekeeping.un.org/mission/past/unamsil/background.html

[xxi] Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary General for Children and Armed Conflict. (2023). Questions and Answers on the Recruitment and Use of Child Soldiers. UN. Retrieved from: https://childrenandarmedconflict.un.org/2023/02/questions-and-answers-on-the-recruitment-and-use-of-child-soldiers2/

[xxii] Fairfield, C. (2021). One in Six Children Living in Conflict Zones at Risk of Sexual Violence by Armed Groups. Save the Children. Retrieved from: https://www.savethechildren.org/us/about-us/media-and-news/2021-press-releases/one-in-six-children-in-conflict-zones-at-risk-of-sexual-violence

[xxiii] Singer, P.W. (2006). The New Faces of War. American Educator, Winter 2005-2006.

Samir Shad In Programmes

Refugee Poverty and the Children of War

It is a commonly accepted fact that war and conflict perpetuate the displacement and mass movements of populations subjected to its violence. The term refugee’s first noted use was in 17^th century France to refer to the Huguenots – French protestants who fled to surrounding nations when their religious liberty was threatened with violence – and has been an unfortunate recurrent staple in both academic and media discourses ever since[i].

Despite its common usage, many people often use the terms refugee and migrant interchangeably – a mishap heavily utilised in the UK Brexit campaign in 2016. However, the terms denote two different situations, and it is important to distinguish between the two. Migrants are defined as those who choose to leave their homes; refugees, on the other hand, are forced by the threat of persecution or violence.

Poverty has become a well-known, often long-term outcome of forced displacement. Whether this is historical or contemporary, refugees are forced to deal with hardships in both living standards and social exclusion when fleeing conflict. Despite some states having asylum and social policies for refugees, a growing Western shift towards right-wing social views and the adoption of isolationist national policies on migration have had detrimental effects on the living standards and well-being of refugee populations living in new countries in search of greater stability and welfare. Those most susceptible to these issues are children.

The Issues at a Glance

Poverty is multifaceted by nature and there is a myriad of issues that stem from its base that refugees face, particularly when living in unstable, makeshift refugee camps. Securing necessities such as medicine, fuel, shelter, food, and water is a constant struggle for displaced families, especially given that many of those fleeing conflicts lack the economic funds required to obtain these resources. The issue is only worsened when families are split up or children are orphaned by war – there are over 170,000 unaccompanied and forcibly displaced children worldwide today[ii]. The lack of these necessities further impacts the cognitive and psychological welfare of children which can, and does, stunt both physical and cognitive growth in the long term.

Whilst these are major issues that must be addressed if we are to combat the levels of poverty refugees face, they are (despite their monetary derivative) somewhat controllable amenities. By this, I do not mean that they are readily available – as they are not – and to say so would disregard the hardships refugees face trying to acquire them and their importance for survival. Rather, they are things that can be sought with the right resources. However, as stated, most refugees do not possess the economic or social capital for this. Whilst some may work jobs (which are often poor-paying, insecure 0-hour contracts), many instead become heavily reliant on foreign humanitarian aid – especially those in camps.

Humanitarian organisations such as The Red Cross and Lighthouse Relief, particularly UNICEF for children, send aid packages to refugees worldwide to help address some of the issues they face, primarily in the form of food packages and hygiene toiletries. Children are often the ones to receive a large proportion of this aid which allows them to secure the basic necessities for survival – although this is not always the case.

But, whilst humanitarian aid may offer some relief in certain instances, it struggles to meet the needs of all those who require it and is not an answer for all the issues that poverty presents. Children living in foreign countries often struggle with sociability because of language barriers and a difference in cultural hegemony. In other words, they lack the social skills required to socialise in that specific region as it is often different from what they are used to at home. This in turn means they lack the necessary social interactions required for social growth which only serves to isolate them from the wider society in which they now reside. This can lead to the creation of isolationist diasporic refugee communities that live on the outskirts of their new host country, limiting a child’s capacity for growth.

Palestinian displacement in Lebanon

The civil unrest in Israel-Palestine has left the eastern coastal plain of the Middle East in conflict since the state’s partition in 1948. It has created displacement of refugees on a massively unprecedented scale. A large proportion of those forced from their homes in the West Bank have fled to neighbouring Lebanon. An estimated 300,000 Palestinian refugees are currently living in Lebanon[iii]. Of these 300,000, approximately 93% are living in poverty[iv]. The situation is the same for those in Jordan and Syria.

The Israeli state ‘opposes their return to Israel as it would alter the country’s Jewish character whilst the Lebanese state opposes their implantation in Lebanon’[v] as their practice of largely Sunni Islam is perceived to threaten the already fragile coalition of constituencies governing the country. The result leaves Palestinian refugees in a limbo state, living in camps, struggling to obtain necessities, and existing as outsiders not only to Palestine but to their new hosts too. Living in such ostracising conditions can and does have negative effects on the levels of well-being and esteem experienced by those on the outskirts of society.

When it comes to basic needs, food insecurity is strife amongst the children of these populations with 23.8% of those under 5 being malnourished leading to long-term growth stunting[vi] and a further 25% prevalence of anaemia. Disease is a common issue produced mainly by inadequate housing. Cholera and cardiovascular disease are highly prevalent among Palestinian children because of indoor pollutants, infestation, mould, and dampness in the home – issues impossible to deal with when you are not formally recognised by the state in which you reside.

Many children do not have any form of formal education – an issue largely exacerbated by lacking electricity. In the Lebanon camps, households are only supplied with 2 hours of government-regulated electricity a day meaning children have little else to do but hang around in the alleys between buildings in camps to play and wander, exposing them to dangers of abuse, abduction, and trafficking – an issue that particularly affects young girls.

The conditions in which these children live do not serve to better their position in society since leaving the conflict zones of the West Bank and Gaza. They place them at a disadvantage by removing their opportunities for socialisation with wider social actors which only condemns them to live at arm’s length from their native Lebanese peers, whether that be in school or work or play.

Whilst there is still a great deal to be done, multiple agencies are working to improve the position and livelihoods of young Palestinian refugees. Last year, ANERA helped 1,357 Palestinian refugee graduates in Lebanon get jobs in the vocational sector after leaving one of their multiple schools in the region[vii]. The skills they use not only benefit them immediately but also help the wider refugee community in which they live by injecting money into the area to fund development. Furthermore, future generations will benefit from the skills taught to them by employed young adults. Having a job also lessens the reliance on foreign aid and helps to develop an individual’s cultural capital by exposing them to wider social inclusion through work, which can, in turn, reduce the stigmatisation of refugee populations in host nations.

The biggest humanitarian force in the region is the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA). Established in 1949 following the first Arab-Israeli conflict post-partition, the organisation currently provides education to over 39,000 Palestinian child refugees living in the 12 camps of southern Lebanon – a number which rises to 545,000 students when incorporating those in Jordan, Syria, Turkey and more[viii]. A similar picture is painted about healthcare with 550,000 registered patients each year visiting one of 27 different healthcare clinics in southern Lebanon[ix] helping to combat the issues of disease that too commonly prevent children from living until adulthood. The organisation is currently in the process of reforming its healthcare policy to bring a new holistic family health team approach to better suit the needs of refugee populations.

However, the issue is that the United Nations general assembly has had to continuously renew the UNRWA’s mandate since its establishment in the absence of a solution to the refugee crisis that Palestine’s population has faced for decades now. Whilst it is the case that some have gained valuable skills in education and work, there are still many others who have not and continue to live in poor, unsafe conditions ostracised by wider society. And whilst the work that NGOs do is pivotal to Palestinian society’s survival and upkeep, its efforts are negligible until such a time that a long-lasting peace can be brokered and enforced – something that has had little success thus far.

The Syrian Refugee Crisis

Probably the most well-known example of modern displacement of refugees lies just north of Israel/Palestine. In the 10 years following the start of the Syrian civil conflict in 2011, over half the country’s population have been displaced across 130 countries around the world – 70% of whom are living in poverty producing what the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Filippo Grandi, has called ‘the largest refugee crisis in modern times’[x].

In September last year, UNICEF released a report noting that there are currently 5,900,000 Syrian children living as refugees who need support[xi]. Like the Palestinian populations mentioned above, many Syrian refugees reside in large camps riddled with incidents of poverty. Lacking education, work, poor health, and security are just some of the similarities in issues that Syrian refugees face. What tends to go under the radar most often in the discussion of Syrian displacement is the social and psychological influence that life as a refugee has on the children who flee.

Notions of national pride are cracking under the weight of a refugee crisis that is still very much ongoing. This is particularly true for young men and boys living as refugees from Syria, especially as Syrian nationalism is allied strongly with traditional perceptions of masculinity to fight for the ‘fatherland’[xii] – a somewhat colloquial spin on the commonly used phrase ‘motherland.’ Syrian boys have struggled to adjust their ideas of manhood and masculinity when living as a refugee as their function of masculinity has been challenged by western ideals on changing gender norms[xiii] which has caused a rise in anxiety and depression among young male refugees.

Similarly, living as a refugee, especially for long periods, can, and does, influence and form a child’s perception of both themselves and their country. A recent report found that a group of children who have been displaced and are living in makeshift refuges on the outskirts of Idlib in north-western Syria have been struggling to identify with their cultural heritage after 10 years of conflict has thwarted their sense of home[xiv]. Despite the country’s rich heritage, Syrian children today do not see their war-scarred country as holding any future opportunities for them and most would rather move elsewhere in the hopes of better education, well-being and standard of living. The desired location for most is in Europe.

But the past 10 years have seen Syrians in Europe face xenophobia and hate crime at an alarmingly high rate. Largely a result of Western political and media representations, some young Syrians have been victims of crimes by those native to the host society. In August of 2021, Turkish Nationalists gathered near an enclave of Syrian refugees and began to attack their homes and businesses[xv]. In the UK in 2018, a 15-year-old male Syrian student was attacked by his peers after school whilst a young Syrian girl was pushed in front of a train in North London[xvi]. Many incidents go unreported to the police as they feel they either won’t be believed or fear that cultural and language barriers prevent them from seeking help.

Even applying for asylum can be a long and arduous task. For refugees in the UK to gain access to healthcare, housing, and many other necessities for life, they need to have applied for asylum or pre-settled status – a task that can be complex, especially when those applying are young adults and families with children who do not speak English. And whilst you can still reside in the UK whilst the application pends, you are still not formally recognised by the state as having asylum and as such do not reap the benefits of stuff, often leaving families in poor financial and housing situations. However, various institutions can offer support in this process; Migrant Help UK, Refugee Council and Shelter all have services dedicated to the support of refugees applying for asylum.

Once asylum is granted the benefits for refugee populations can be massive, especially as some refugees (particularly those with children as they are considered most vulnerable) are eligible for the resettlement scheme. In 2022 alone, 1054 Syrian refugees were resettled in the UK[xvii], 52% of the total scheme.

Of course, it is not always as simple as this and many Syrian children travelling alone in particular do not have the means or skills to make it to the UK and thus end up in insecure accommodations or camps across Europe. The bulk of these exist in Turkey, an area recently struck by an immense earthquake, producing further issues for survival as a refugee. The most well-known Syrian refugee camp, however, exists in Calais, northern France.

The ‘Calais Jungle’ represents a severe example of what Syrian children face when living in refugee camps both alone and with their families. Hunger is commonplace with each person being given only one meal a day. Any food kept by those in the camp cannot be stored effectively as there is minimal electricity and infrastructure, leaving food and water to be contaminated by the high levels of pathogenic bacteria present causing vomiting and diarrhoea.

Hygiene is poor with 1 toilet per 75 refugees, more than three times the acceptable standard recommended by the UNHCR. Furthermore, since there are no effective means to wash clothes or bedding there are mass infestations of scabies and lice throughout the camp.

These issues are concerning for children’s physical health, but it is again important to look at how this burden has detrimental impacts on mental health and how the perception of oneself may change in light of how others perceive you – a notion particularly prominent in European media. Refugees are continuously labelled as the scapegoat for issues in Europe by Western media outlets; a representation that impacts on the well-being and self-esteem of refugee children by reaffirming them as a cultural other[xviii]; as different.

Living with this feeling of otherness only serves to worsen the issues of ongoing psychological trauma, anxiety and depression – which are all common mental health concerns that refugee children in the Calais jungle (and other camps) live with. For Syrian children, these stem from both the pre-displacement experiences of war and conflict in Syria; and the post-refugee life experiences resulting from the separation of families, difficulties in the asylum-seeking procedures, social exclusion and more[xix] in their new host nation (France in this instance).

As such, the concerns are not simply for the immediate impacts of these psychological issues but also the long-term damage they can do to a child’s ability to grow, communicate, socialise, and develop. Children suffering from psychological trauma are more likely than the local population to struggle with social anxiety, preventing them from engaging properly at school or sports clubs or in other social settings. These issues can manifest in later life with many refugees practising avoidance in social networks so as not to re-trigger the memories of lived trauma from before.

There is, however, much being done to assist and help Syrian refugees and children in the form of foreign aid. The UNHCR poverty alleviation coalition is the largest actor in the sphere of Syrian humanitarianism. There are currently upward of 6.8 million internally displaced Syrians and external refugees registered with the UNHCR for aid in the form of cash, food and cooking appliances, medicine, and more[xx]. For those living as refugees abroad, the organisation has a programme for protection and inclusion solutions focusing on increasing engagement between young Syrians and their peers in foreign host nations. Last year the commission conducted 19,888 social activities and social awareness sessions aimed at raising awareness for the mental health concerns that couple with the physical aspects of poverty and the lived experiences of trauma, engaging 16,000+ people[xxi]. The organisation runs specialised mental health groups led by psychiatrists and psychotherapists that aim at openly discussing issues to combat the stigma associated with mental health among young boys and men.

Sessions on family and community support aim to direct support towards child refugees, supporting local community centres to help with development in child-friendly settings. In addition to this, child protection committees consisting of social workers, teachers and other professionals work with Syrian children to identify potential protection issues and trends in refugee communities to help address problems before they develop by referring them to WHO (World Health Organisation) medical professionals for support with their mental well-being.

It hopes within the next year to increase its output and step up its involvement in this area, which is particularly important when addressing the mental health concerns stemming from social ostracism that many refugees face. But whilst these movements towards incorporating mental health support are pivotal in the fight against poverty, only 25% of those involved in the programmes offered were male – the largest sufferers of depression and anxiety in the population. There needs to be a focus on engaging more men, especially young men and boys who are most susceptible to trauma and PTSD which can have long-lasting consequences.

Various other organisations operate relief programmes contributing infrastructural support as well as food. SIRF (The Syria International NGO Regional Forum) brings together a multitude of agencies dedicated to assisting in efforts to help Syrian people live in light of the civil war. The agencies provide a range of support from medical care (both psychological and physical) to the provision of supplies necessary for survival (such as food and water) and are pivotal in helping to keep Syrian children in insecure accommodations safe in the ongoing refugee crisis across the Middle East and the rest of the world.

So, while there are a lot of issues that refugees face, there is a great deal of support available for them – whether that’s direct from the United Nations or NGOs. But is it enough? Whilst it is definitive that governments and NGOs need to continue to address the physical and monetary issues that refugees face, there also needs to be an acknowledgement of the long-term social and mental impacts that life as a refugee inflicts. The UNHCR’s programmes on well-being dedicated to supporting children and adults in refugee settings with managing their mental health are a great start but there is only minimal engagement by refugee populations in comparison to the millions spread worldwide. There is much more that can be done to engage large diasporic refugee communities, especially men and young boys concerning mental health support, and until such a time that these well-being needs are addressed fully, we are unlikely to see a change in the levels of social ostracism that refugees face in the world today.

[i] Bakemore, E. (2019, March 15). What does it mean to be a refugee? Retrieved from National Geographic: https://www.nationalgeographic.com/culture/article/what-is-a-refugee

[ii] UNHCR. (2023). Every day, children are forced to flee conflict alone. Retrieved from The UN Refugee Agency https://www.unhcr.org/uk/no-child-should-be-left-alone.html

[iii] Perdigon, S. (2015). ‘For Us It Is Otherwise’ – Three Sketches on Making Poverty Sensible in the Palestinian Refugee Camps on Lebanon. Current Anthropology, 56(S11), pp. S88-S96.

[iv] MAP. (2022), Interview: How Palestinian children are bearing the brunt of Lebanon’s economic crisis. Retrieved from Medical Aid for Palestinians https://www.map.org.uk/news/archive/post/1408-interview-how-palestinian-children-are-bearing-the-brunt-of-lebanonas-economic-crisis

[v] Perdigon, S. (2015). ‘For Us It Is Otherwise’ – Three Sketches on Making Poverty Sensible in the Palestinian Refugee Camps on Lebanon. Current Anthropology, 56(S11), pp. S88-S96.

[vi] AbuKishk N, Gilbert H, Seita A, Mukherjee J, Rohloff PJ. (2021) Under-five malnutrition among Palestine refugee children living in camps in Jordan: a mixed-methods study. BMJ Glob Health. Aug;6(8):e005577. doi: 10.1136/bmjgh-2021-005577. PMID: 34348932; PMCID: PMC8340287.

[vii] ANERA. (2021). What We Do: Education. Retrieved from https://www.anera.org/what-we-do/education/

[viii] UNRWA. (2022). Socio-economic situation of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon Crisis Monitoring Report – High-Frequency Survey Results – September 2022. Amman: United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees.

[ix] UNRWA. (2022). Socio-economic situation of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon Crisis Monitoring Report – High-Frequency Survey Results – September 2022. Amman: United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees.

[x] ANSA (2021, March 16). UNHCR: 5.5 million Syrian refugees, 70% in poverty. Retrieved from InfoMigrants https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/30887/unhcr-55-million-syrian-refugees-70-in-poverty

[xi] UNICEF. (2022). UNICEF Syria Crisis Humanitarian Situation Report July – September 2022. New York: United Nations Children’s Fund.

[xii] Aldoughli, R. (2017). Syrian nationalism is all about masculinity. Manchester University News. Retrieved from https://www.manchester.ac.uk/discover/news/syrian-masculinity/

[xiii] Berg, L. (2021). Masculinity and Syrian Fiction. Bloomsbury Publishing. London.

[xiv] Kivela, L., Tajima-Simpson, M., & Yamin, A. (2021). Anywhere But Syria: How 10 years of conflict left Syria’s displaced children without a sense of home. London: Save the Children.

[xv] Bousaren, D. (2021). A Nationalist Mob In Turkey Attacks Syrian Refugees’ Home And Businesses. Retrieved from https://www.npr.org/2021/08/24/1030561867/a-nationalist-mob-in-turkey-attacks-syrian-refugees-home-and-businesses

[xvi] Hall, R. Agerholm, H. Dearden, L. (2018). Attack on Syrian schoolboy exposes ‘toxic environment’ faced by refugees in UK. Retrieved from https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/syrian-refugee-attack-huddersfield-school-hate-crime-children-asylum-immigration-a8657411.html

[xvii] Home Office. (2022). Immigration Statistics Year Ending September 2022. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/immigration-statistics-year-ending-september-2022/how-many-people-do-we-grant-protection-to

[xviii] Said. E. (2003 [1978]). Orientalism. Penguin Modern Classics. Penguin Publishers. London.

[xix] Mental Health Foundation. (2022). Refugees and asylum seekers: statistics. Retrieved from https://www.mentalhealth.org.uk/explore-mental-health/statistics/refugees-asylum-seekers-statistics

[xx] UNHCR. (2023). Fact Sheet: Syria – Syrian Arab Republic. The UN Refugee Agency, January 2023. www.unhcr.org

[xxi] UNHCR. (2023). Fact Sheet: Syria – Mental Health and Psychological Support. The UN Refugee Agency, January 2023. www.unhcr.org/sy

Samir Shad In Programmes

From War to Poverty and Poverty to War

Conversations on war and poverty are widespread and crucial to understanding the connection between violence and the global poor. The link is undeniable, and there are many reasons why it remains and persists to this day – most notably in the developing world. From the current crisis in Ukraine and the mass displacement of refugees into neighbouring Poland to the ongoing civil unrest in Myanmar and the recruitment of child soldiers from poor backgrounds; there is no shortage of examples where war leads to poverty and poverty to war.

What is somewhat under-discussed however, is how the phenomenon disproportionately impacts the lives of children who find themselves caught in the middle of conflicts. In 2005, the United Nations Security Council set out six violations of children’s rights to be monitored during times of warfare. These are the killing and maiming of children; recruitment of child soldiers; sexual violence against children; child abduction; attacks against schools or hospitals and the denial of humanitarian aid to children[i].

However, whether it’s through the absence of education and sanitation affecting their social and cognitive development, issues relating to malnutrition and poor healthcare stunting their growth or the myriad of problems associated with living as a refugee fleeing warzones; war and conflict continue to produce incidences of poverty that have heavy and lasting impacts on the children involved.

Two Schools of Thought

When discussing war and poverty there are often two thought processes. One views poverty as a consequence of war and conflict, and the other views war and conflict as a product of poverty. Both are true to a point, but what needs to be understood is how one will, for the most part, always exist in conjunction with the other – especially in the context of civil wars.

Such a picture has never been truer than when it comes to child poverty. Children living in poverty are often pushed to desperate ends to produce capital when other means fail them, often turning to crime which can, in some instances, result in violence and warfare – especially in areas where gang culture presides. Whilst this may present an extreme example, it is not uncommon – especially in the epicentre of the War on Drugs in South American countries such as Mexico, Colombia, and Venezuela where children from poor backgrounds are recruited as drug mules. If the children in these situations manage to escape, they often suffer severely from drug addiction, preventing social reintegration and maintaining their position of poverty.

On the flip side, children living in areas hit by war often find themselves living in abject poverty either as refugees in a strange land or worse still, continuing to live in a war zone with the daily risk of injury or death.

War and Conflict as a Producer of Poverty

War is indisputably a creator and maintainer of global poverty. Generally speaking, war-affected regions have higher levels of poverty. This is because war damages a community’s infrastructure and institutions; causes the destruction of national and personal assets; fragments communities and their communication networks; and causes the debilitation and deaths of a large proportion of the population[ii]. During times of conflict and war, people lose their houses, their land, and their assets usually utilised to produce capital.

What is often overlooked, however, is how the impacts of war often leave lasting legacies on the populations who experience them. Living in the aftermath of war often proves difficult for many people, especially those in hard-hit areas. Whilst on the macro-level, temporary destruction of capital can be circumvented through long-term investment; the micro-level individual, social and psychological effects can be far harder to subvert, especially for the children of war who are displaced, injured, orphaned, or recruited by militia groups who often suffer with their mental health following resolution[iii]. Evidence suggests that the impacts of conflict on education and health at the individual and household level can still be observed decades after conflict resolution[iv].

The risk posed to children by war is in many ways greater than that posed to other members of a community, with one in ten children globally being affected by armed conflict[v] and one in six living in conflict zones[vi]. This is partly because children haven’t fully developed the cognitive agency to understand imminent threats and do not have the resources to remove themselves from them. As such, they often find themselves either caught up in or controlled by war and conflict because they don’t possess the means to escape.

The risk is further increased, in certain instances, when children are targeted by armed groups. When children are targeted or killed it is often done so as a terror tactic to reaffirm brutality and gain notoriety. It shows that a group is willing to engage the most vulnerable in society to confirm its position in a conflict. However, the result of such targeting is not always to kill but rather to abduct and recruit children to fight in wars. Warring factions often kidnap children as they are more easily manipulated and can be indoctrinated to commit crimes without question[vii].

Poverty as a Producer of War and Conflict

Whilst it is obvious that war reproduces existing poverty trends and creates new ones, it is also more than plausible that poverty produces a set of circumstances that exacerbates divides and produces war and conflict itself. This is especially the case for civil war, a phenomenon largely prominent in the developing world. Research suggests that if you reside in a poorer area, you are more likely to be exposed to, and partake in, violence in civil war[viii]. At the state level, poverty compounds vulnerability to an insurgency by lowering the opportunity cost for the mobilisation of violence[ix]. For example, perceived inequality through high levels of unemployment, low levels of education and social development are often prime motivators for violence and a reason to enact a revolt.

When poor groups revolt, they often rely on voluntary recruits at first. But when voluntary recruits dry up, many turn to forced recruitment. Children can be at the centre of this with some rebel groups forcibly recruiting children from poorer backgrounds to fight – a practice that has been particularly utilised heavily in the civil conflicts taking place in Myanmar and Sierra Leone.

Africa has become the epicentre for violent conflict involving child soldiers[x] with 40% of all child soldiers globally active on the continent[xi]. This number is made even greater when the recruitment of children is not just committed by poor militia groups but also by lower-income nation-states.

In 2004 the government forces of Burundi were found to be forcibly abducting and recruiting child soldiers from the country’s poorest regions[xii]. Boys as young as ten were serving in the armed forces and militia whilst girls of a similar age were being sold into sexual slavery. Even when demobilisation schemes were enforced by UNICEF, many children showed signs of trauma with others expressing concerns about the inadequate rehabilitation preparations[xiii]. This resulted in multiple children re-joining armed groups but this time in the form of non-governmental militia factions where they further suffered the impacts of poverty and violence.

The most important thing to note when discussing the link between poverty and war and conflict is the risk of conflict reoccurrence among poor populations. For those living in poverty, there is a greater chance of conflict reoccurrence than that of more economically advanced areas, especially when insurgent civil wars fail to procure the goal that was set to achieve in the first instance. This is especially true when the already low levels of infrastructure in poorer areas are left without investment following times of conflict, only acting to widen the gap between the rich and the poor in societies.

Violating the UN’s Six Violations

Despite the best efforts of the UN and its partner agencies to tackle the issues associated with child poverty and exploitation in times of conflict, there is still a strong relationship between impoverished children and acts of violence. Whether this is the infliction of violence on poor populations by external actors or the taking-up of arms by the global poor in insurgencies to change the status quo, it still remains a fact that poor children pay the price of war and conflict.

[i] UN Office of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict. (2013). Children and Armed Conflict. New York: United Nations.

[ii] Justino, P. (2012). War and Poverty: IDS Working Paper. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies.

[iii] Catani, C. (2018). Mental health of children living in war zones: a risk and protection perspective. In World Psychiatry 17(1): 104-105. https://doi.org/10.1002%2Fwps.20496.

[iv] Shemyakina, O. (2006). The Effect of Armed Conflict on Accumulation of Schooling: Results from Tajikistan. Berlin. HiCN Working Paper 12, Households in Conflict Network, https://hicn.org/working-papers/

[v] Kadir, A. et al. (2019). Effects of armed conflict on child health and development: A systematic review. PLOS ONE 14(2): e0212393, https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0212393

[vi] Save the Children. (2022). Countries in Conflict. https://www.savethechildren.org/us/charity-stories/worst-conflict-affected-countries-to-be-a-child

[vii] Kishi, R. (2015). The Targeting of Children in Conflict Zones, Part 1: General Trends. ACLED: https://acleddata.com/2015/03/13/the-targeting-of-children-in-conflict-zones-part-1-general-trends/

[viii] Mercier, M. et al. (2020). Violence exposure and poverty: Evidence from the Burundi civil war. in Journal of Comparative Economics 48(4). p. 822-840.

[ix] Marks, Z. (2016). Conflict and poverty. GDSRC Professional Development Reading Pack no. 52. Birmingham, UK: University of Birmingham.

[x] Achvarina, V, & Reich, S. (2010). No Place to Hide: Refugees, Displaced Persons, and Child Soldier Recruits. In Gates, S. & Reich, S. (eds) Child Soldiers in the Age of Fractured States. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press.

[xi] Dudenhoefer, A. (2016). Understanding the recruitment of child soldiers in Africa. Conflict Trends 2016(2). https://hdl.handle.net/10520/EJC193349

[xii] Child Soldiers International. (2004). Child Soldiers Global Report 2004 – Burundi, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/4988066f2.html [accessed 29 December 2022]

[xiii] Rapport de la revue à mi parcours du projet enfants soldats au Burundi, avril 2004, Bujumbura, Projet du Gouvernement du Burundi appuyé par I’UNICEF.

Helen Little In Programmes

The Link Between Poverty and Disability in Street Children

Disabled girl with one leg using crutches to move around in the street, wearing a unicef backpack

Overview

As we briefly covered in disability in street children, disability is often connected to poverty (1). It is estimated that up to 30% of street children are living with disability (2). This makes disability very common among those living on the street. Many street children also experience severe poverty. Therefore, there is a strong link between poverty and disability in street children. This is a vicious cycle, with each factor exacerbating the effects of the other. Collectively, they have huge influence over the lives of street children (3).

Both poverty and disability are being continually studied by research bodies and charities. A better understanding of the causes of poverty and disability and the relationship between them can help put resources to better use. This understanding helps to improve policy making. Disability is a very serious issue in low and middle income countries. As such, reducing both rates of poverty and disability is part of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals for 2030 (1). Part of this hopes to improve rates of disability among street children.

What is poverty?

There are many ways to define poverty. It is generally associated with factors such as socioeconomic status, income and location (1). However, the cut-off point for poverty is less clear when used in the context of street children. In which case, it is more effective to grade poverty in terms of a reduced access to healthcare and a shortage of basic resources (1). The little healthcare received by many street children increases their risk of disability (1).

Disability – a cause of poverty

Sadly, those living with disability are far more likely to also be living in poverty (1). There are various reasons for the poverty gap between disabled and non-disabled people. Some of this can be explained by the way society is currently structured. At present, the way in which we live is more focussed on what able-bodied people require (1). This makes it much harder to live life with disability. While making overall living more difficult, this also makes it harder for people living with disability to get jobs and to earn the money needed for food and living. This promotes exclusion and increases the risk of those living with disability ending up in poverty (4). Exclusion and discrimination make it more likely for a child living with disability to end up on the street (3).

In addition, children are also more likely to have to work on the street when a member of their family is living with disability (2). While this can be very dangerous, it is sometimes seen necessary for a family to survive. For example, in Ghana, many children work on the street to financially support a disabled family member (2).

Poverty – a cause of disability

Poor health

It is far more likely that a person will develop a physical impairment when living in poverty (1). This is most often due to poor health. Street children are much less likely to have access to essential resources, which has an impact on their health and wellbeing. Poor health is more likely when they do not have the resources to live healthy and free of disease.

Furthermore, it is also common for children with additional needs to require more resources. However, disabled children living in poverty often do not receive these. Without additional support, a disabled child is less able to carry out normal and essential tasks. This prevents them from living a healthy and more normal life (1).

Malnourishment

Inadequate healthcare, poor sanitation and malnutrition are experienced by many people in poverty, particularly street children (5). These factors often lead to severe disease and can result in permanent disability (4). For example, malnourishment can have a serious impact on a child’s health as it limits physical development (3). Poor nutrition during pregnancy can have detrimental effects on a developing baby and increases the risk of disease later in life (6).

Homelessness

Homelessness is another feature of poverty which can contribute to poor health and disability. Children living on the streets have limited contact with carers and family, where little support from care-providers can lead to poor mental and physical health. Therefore, children living or working on the street are commonly described as ‘children at risk’ (7). UNICEF also describes street children in a similar way by labelling them as ‘children in need of special protection’ (7). Since street children as a whole are particularly vulnerable, many children’s charities are working to better support and protect them.

Isolation

Many people are also stigmatised when living in poverty and are seen as out-casts. This is disproportionately the case for street children. Therefore, street children living in poverty and with disability are often even more isolated.

Summary

There is a strong two-way relationship between poverty and disability. On the one hand, disability increases the risk of a person having to live in poverty. There are many reasons for this and it is often very complex. Children with disability often receive poorer education (10). This is often due to a lack of understanding and judgement from others, and impacts a child’s ability to find work later in life. Without work, poverty and a life on the street is far more likely for these children. Combined with the social exclusion experienced by many disabled children, it is clear that disability can contribute to poverty.

In addition, poverty also increases the risk of disability. Without sufficient money it can be very hard to access vital resources, such as healthcare and nutritional food. This negatively impacts a child’s physical health where disease, malnutrition and a lack of medicine can lead to the development of disability. Therefore, rates of disability are far higher amongst adults and children living in poverty (3).

Poverty and disability in street children

Overall, both poverty and disability are very common in street children (8). Living on the street and with disability has twice the negative impact on a child’s life. More help is urgently required to improve these children’s lives (9). Help us support vulnerable children.

References

Palmer M. Disability and Poverty: A Conceptual Review. Journal of Disability Policy Studies [Internet]. 2011 [cited 13 June 2021];21(4):210-218. Available from: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/1044207310389333
Ingstad B, Eide A. Disability and Poverty: A Global Challenge. Chicago: Policy Press; 2011.
Street Child. On International Day of Persons with Disabilities we Advocate for Inclusive Education — Street Child [Internet]. Street Child. 2019 [cited 13 June 2021]. Available from: https://www.street-child.co.uk/blog/2019/12/4/on-international-day-of-persons-with-disabilities-we-advocate-inclusive-education
Mitra S, Posarac A, Vick B. Disability and Poverty in Developing Countries: A Multidimensional Study. World Development [Internet]. 2013 [cited 13 June 2021];41:1-18. Available from: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X12001465
Banks L, Kuper H, Polack S. Poverty and disability in low- and middle-income countries: A systematic review. PLOS ONE [Internet]. 2017 [cited 13 June 2021];12(12):e0189996. Available from: https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0189996
Roseboom T. Handbook of Famine, Starvation, and Nutrient Deprivation. The Netherlands: Amsterdam Public Health Research Institute; 2017.
Panter‐brick C. Homelessness, poverty, and risks to health: beyond at risk categorizations of street children1. Children’s Geographies [Internet]. 2004 [cited 13 June 2021];2(1). Available from: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1473328032000168787?casa_token=IrddfS6UXfoAAAAA%3AR_P9f01XM_z57spnmwwr9dOShWSZ33cpaFX98fy6UXBNkmOpVXvdkhqupQhPAM-m_PAhOhpH84VVlA
Vameghi M, Sajjadi S, Rafiey H, Rashidian A. SYSTEMATIC REVIEW OF STUDIES ON STREET CHILDREN IN IRAN IN RECENT DECADE: POVERTY, A RISK FACTOR FOR BECOMING A STREET CHILD. Social Welfare [Internet]. 2010 [cited 13 June 2021];:337 To 378. Available from: https://www.sid.ir/en/journal/ViewPaper.aspx?ID=194296
Mitra S, Posarac A, Vick B. Disability and Poverty in Developing Countries: A Multidimensional Study. World Development [Internet]. 2013 [cited 13 June 2021];41:1-18. Available from: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X12001465
Weimert F. Discrimination is the biggest obstacle to education for children with disabilities — Street Child Switzerland [Internet]. Street Child Switzerland. 2018 [cited 5 May 2021]. Available from: https://www.street-child.ch/news/discrimination-education-children-with-disabilities

Megan In Recycling

How Your Recycling Helps Poverty Child

Poverty Child prides itself on the fact that 95% of your donations is used to further our mission. We are always grateful for and humbled by your generosity- you help to transform our projects from ideas into lifelines for impoverished children. We want you to know how your recycling helps our cause.

Your recycling helps give flexibility.

The funds that are generated from your recycled goods are unrestricted income. This means funds are pooled to become available for where the most need is. The needs of the children we help change over time. So it gives us the flexibility to invest the funds in response to their changing needs, either by adapting our existing projects or creating new ones if necessary. As well as this, it allows us to make up for any shortfalls of funds that we have. For example, we used recycling income to make up for a funding shortfall in our project with Fairplay For All Foundation. It was your recycling efforts that allowed the project to then reach its full potential.

Your recycling helps to fund vital research.

It is different to secure funding for research and data collection. Donors appear to be more willing to provide tangible aid such as food and clothing. Yet, the research and the data for our projects is just as vital. Without this research, it would be hard to know what the children need and how they can be helped. Our research is the foundation of our projects, enabling us to build relationships with the children that we find in the developing world. The funds from the recycling initiative contributes to this data collection. It helps us to build our projects based on crucial data. It is an extremely important starting point for many of our projects.

It’s a vital part of our fundraising strategy.

The income generated by recycling is relatively small, but that doesn’t mean to say it isn’t important. The programme allows us to diversify our income and therefore protect our projects, to some extent, against any drops in revenue. During times of economic and/or political uncertainty, people are more cautious about how and where they spend their earnings. As a result, donating to charity is often dropped from household budgets. Your recycling helps us protect our projects from fluctuating income in uncertain times.

Most importantly, your recycling helps slum and street children.

Aside from our different projects, our wider mission is to break the cycle of poverty for many children in the developing world. Whether your donations are funding our research, data collection, or tangible aid, they are contributing to this mission. Your time and efforts are helping us to make a real difference in the world. By getting involved with our initiative, your recycling is successfully changing lives. Click the link to find out more about our work and our projects in developing countries.

Megan In Recycling

5 Simple Steps For Decluttering Using KonMari

konmari method steps for decluttering and recycling

Whether it’s time for a spring clean, you’re moving house, or there’s too much clutter in your home, decluttering is always worthwhile. There’s nothing like a clutter-free home to leave you feeling organised and cleansed. It seems that decluttering has recently become quite the phenomenon. With Marie Kondo’s growing fame, more people than ever seem enthusiastic about decluttering. If your house is in need of a declutter, we can help. Consider this “Poverty Child meets KonMari”. Below are 5 simple steps for decluttering your home. These are based on the guidance of Marie Kondo and her KonMari method for tidying. Once you have established which items you no longer want to keep, you can recycle them with us. Creating a tidy and organised space has never been so simple.

Commit yourself to the task of decluttering

This is Marie Kondo’s first rule of decluttering. Before starting what can seem like the tedious task of tidying, get yourself into a positive mindset. Remind yourself of your motivation for decluttering. As the KonMari method emphasises, imagine your ideal lifestyle. Let this guide you. A decluttered home will bring you better organisation, increased productivity and less stress. If you’re using the KonMari method for the first time, keep reminding yourself that it will be interesting and inspiring to try something new. Remember that all the goods you decide to get rid of will be recycled with us. This will help to fund our projects in developing countries. You’ll have played a part in helping vulnerable children that are subject to a life in slums and on the streets.

Tidy by category, not by location

Part of the KonMari method is that you tidy according to the category of your items, not by their location. Don’t tidy by room, tidy by category. One of Marie Kondo’s rules is that you stick to the order. You start with clothes, then books, and then move on to papers, miscellaneous items and sentimental items. Gather your items into these categories before sorting through them.

Ask yourself, “does this item bring me joy?”

One of Marie Kondo’s main principles for the KonMari method is that you focus on what brings you joy. You should think about what you can keep instead of what you can discard. Once you have your categories sorted, go through each item and ask “does this item bring me any joy?” If your answer is yes, put the item into a pile of things to keep. If it no longer sparks joy, put the item in a pile of belongings to send to our recycling initiative. You can check out all the items we can accept under the “donate” tab on our website. We are happy to accept broken items, so don’t worry if things aren’t working as they should be.

Contact us for postage materials

If your stuff weighs 10kg or more altogether, you can request a recycling sack from us. Alternatively, if your items weigh less than this, you can ask us for an address label. We’ll email this out to you for posting your unwanted goods to us.

Send your unwanted goods to us

After all the hard work and commitment that has gone into your decluttering, it’s time to get rid of your unwanted items! If you’ve used the address label, you’ll post them out to us. If you’ve used the recycling sacks from us, we can arrange for a courier to collect the items you are kindly donating. All this information is available on our website.

Once you’ve decluttered your home, be proud of the effort you have put into creating a more organised space. You’ll soon begin to feel the benefits of having an organised and decluttered home to live in. Remember, this process isn’t just helping you and anybody else that shares your home. You’re helping us to fund our projects. These projects aim to break the vicious cycle of poverty street children are trapped in. Your donated items will help us to make a real difference.

Lucy Darragh In Programmes

Street Children: Everything About This Global Humanitarian Crisis

Across the world there are millions of children who face the reality of spending their everyday life living or working on the streets. The quality of life of these children is poor, as they are exposed violence, deprived living conditions and a lack of access to basic necessities, healthcare and education. The numbers of street children around the world are also likely to be rising, especially in developing countries where rapid urbanisation has led to the creation of urban slums in which children often experience extreme poverty.

A global crisis is rapidly unfolding and yet the international community continues to largely ignore children connected to the street. As a result, the need to alleviate the problems causing children to become involved with the street as well as support and protect those already living in these conditions is ever more vital.

Here we introduce the crisis, with four main sections:

Who are street children?
What causes children live and work on the street?
Life on the street
How do street children process into adulthood and what are the long-term effects of street involvement?

Who are street children?

Who does the term ‘street children’ refer to?

Street children are a group of children with diverse characteristics and have very complex lives. Because of this, definitions of the term ‘street child’ are often disputed and vary significantly between policy makers, researchers, NGOs and other social actors. Earlier work on street children tended to focus on just those living (sleeping) and/or working on the streets ₍₁₎. More recently the term has also come to include those who spend a significant amount of time on the streets ₍₂₎, whether that be hanging out with friends, accompanying their parents working on the street or for any other reason.

Generally speaking we can say that street children are children who, for whatever reason, depend on the streets for their survival. The street is a central reference point for them, plays a significant role in their everyday life and forms a vital part of their identity ₍₃₎.

How many street children are there and where do they live?

Latest figures on the number of street children living globally emerged more than a decade ago, published by the international children’s charity, Unicef. In 2005, the organisation predicted that there are more than 100 million street children around the world ₍₂₎. This is just an estimate, however, and many other agencies working with street children have doubted the accuracy of the claim ₍₁₎.

Finding a more accurate and up-to-date figure for the number of street children globally is difficult due to the challenges which come along with counting these children: street children tend to move around a lot, they may also not want to be found or are scared and mistrustful of authorities ₍₂₎. Since definitions of the term ‘street child’ and methods used for counting vary significantly between organisations, it can also prove unreliable to compare and compile data collected in different cities or regions _(3)(4)(5).

While the true number of street children living globally is disputed, many researchers and NGOs agree that their numbers are rising. This is occurring alongside the world’s growing population and due to certain global trends, such as rapid urbanisation, increasing inequalities and migration ₍₃₎. Although it is often thought that street children only live in the poorer nations of Asia, Africa and South America, they are found all over the world, including in richer countries and regions ₍₂₎.

Street children have diverse characteristics and experiences

As mentioned above, street children are not a clearly defined, consistent group ₍₅₎. Their characteristics are diverse, coming from a range of different backgrounds, ethnicity and ages ₍₃₎.

Stereotypically street children are often thought of as boys and it is true that studies in many locations have counted more boys on the street than girls ₍₂₎₍₅₎. This is likely due to the more traditional gender roles at play in many cultures, which encourage boys to be independent, work and socialise outside of the home, while girls stay indoors ₍₅₎. Girls are also often less visible on the street, keeping out of sight to protect themselves from the dangers of street living or being more likely to work as domestic servants or involved in commercial sex ₍₅₎₍₆₎.

As a result of their varying identities and locations in which they live, street children will have different experiences, needs and struggles and will use the street in diverse ways ₍₅₎₍₇₎.

What causes children to live or work on the street?

Push and pull factors

Broadly speaking we can put the presence of children living, working or spending large amounts of time on the street down to a range of so called ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors. Push factors are aspects which force children on to the street ₍₃₎. These could be reasons such as family collapse, death, economic difficulties, domestic violence, abuse or neglect _(8)(10). Pull factors, meanwhile, are circumstances which make the street attractive to a child, for example friendships or the sense of independence, freedom and adventure ₍₃₎₍₂₎.

In many cases, the process of a child becoming involved in the street is not the result of a single one of these factors, but rather a combination of reasons which have left them in an extremely vulnerable position and meant that the street has become their best or only option for survival ₍₂₎₍₅₎.

The society in which a child lives also has a huge influence on their likelihood of taking to the streets. In many countries there are wider societal problems at play which make life challenging for children and intensify the conditions which make street involvement more likely.

Broader societal problems

Poverty and income inequality: In societies where income inequality is high, children from the poorest families can be forced onto the street as a means of economic survival for themselves or their families _(4)(10). Once there, they are likely to take part in income-generating activities, such as begging, street trading, collecting raw materials, or more dangerous practices, such as stealing or commercial sex work _(6)(9)(10).

Financial instability not only puts a strain on families economically, but also emotionally ₍₁₀₎. Research has found that stress associated with economic hardship can cause a weakening of relationships between family members _(10)(4). This can lead to more conflicts within the family and increased incidences of domestic violence, abuse and neglect, all of which can contribute to a child leaving home ₍₄₎.

Inadequate social protection for vulnerable children: Many children experiencing hardships and violations of their basic rights at home are reliant on government social services or support from NGOs to provide them with care and protection. In situations where these provisions are unavailable, not accessible or inadequate to meet their needs, children are left vulnerable and exposed to many forms of abuse _(3)(11). These children may take to the streets as a means of protecting themselves from the dangers they face at home, after being left with no feasible alternative _(1).

Wars, conflicts, epidemics and disasters: Numbers of street children often increase during times of crisis, such as wars, health epidemics, natural disasters, famine and economic recessions. While the consequences of such events are varied, they typically result in death, displacement and disruption of the normal running of services. All of these factors lead to a deepening of poverty and can leave children without care and protection stopping them from becoming involved in the street _(5). Recent examples of crises that have had a damaging impact on children include:

The 2014 Ebola crisis in Sierra Leone to which over 12,000 children lost their primary care giver ₍₁₂₎.
The war and refugee crisis in Iraq which forced more than 12.3 million children from their homes ₍₁₃₎.
The HIV/AIDS pandemic which has left an estimated 16.6 million children as orphans, 90% of whom live in Sub-Saharan Africa ₍₅₎.

Patterns of urbanisation: Over the last fifty years, movement from rural to urban areas has increased significantly. Currently the highest levels of rural to urban migration are taking place in Asia and Africa, where rapid urbanisation has led to the creation of large unplanned, informal settlements and urban slums ₍₅₎. Physical conditions in these areas are poor and the settlements are often characterised by poverty, limited resources, little access to social provisions and large family populations per household ₍₃₎₍₅₎. Children living in these slums are at risk of being forced onto the streets to earn a living or survive, given their poor economic background, little education and limited means for securing their basic needs ₍₁₁₎.

Discrimination against certain groups: Studies in many locations have found higher percentages of children from ethnic minorities on the streets than those from native backgrounds. This is the case in South Eastern Europe where children from Roma backgrounds represent a large proportion of children on the street, as high as 89 percent in Serbia and 67 percent in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In these countries, Roma families face many challenges in their everyday lives, including extreme poverty, unemployment, little access to services, as well as prejudice, discrimination and intolerance, which are likely to be the reasons behind this trend ₍₁₀₎.

Discrimination not only affects ethnic minorities but also other marginalised groups. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the HIV pandemic has led to an extreme form of discrimination targeted at AIDS orphans. These children are frequently accused of witchcraft, shunned by their extended families and left with no option but to struggle on the streets to survive ₍₅₎.

Life on the street

Challenges faced by street children

For the many children who have moved onto the street to live or work, life is extremely challenging. On the streets they are subjected to poor physical conditions and have little access to basic necessities, such as food, clothing and shelter _(10). They are also likely to find it difficult to access relevant social services, such as healthcare, either because they do not have the documents required for using such services, lack information or are discriminated against by service providers ₍₃₎.

Low school attendance is common among children in street situations too. Many street children struggle to stay in standard education because of the attendance requirements, routine and discipline of school, especially when having to juggle work on the street alongside. In addition, street children often experience discrimination from other pupils and teachers, have little family support to help them with schoolwork and find the topics taught irrelevant to their everyday lives, meaning that they do not enjoy school _(2)(10)(11).

Violence becomes a part of everyday life

Another major difficulty of life on the street is the constant threat of violence. While the street can be a place for friendships, violence between street children is also common. A study looking at children living alone on the streets in Kenya and Tanzania found that incidences of violence took place as a result of stealing, conflicts over owing money and securing places to stay. A lot of this behaviour was directed at younger children, who not only experienced physical abuse, but also sexual abuse at the hands of older street youths. Many of these older children had been raped themselves when they were younger and used sexual abuse as a means of expressing power and anger over their younger peers ₍₄₎.

In addition to violence from other street inhabitants, street children are vulnerable to experiencing abuse from the police, local business owners and other members of the public ₍₃₎₍₅₎. Police brutality against street children has been witnessed in many locations worldwide. In Kenya, for example, there has been extensive reporting of the maltreatment of street youths by the country’s authorities which has sometimes led to bodily harm and even death ₍₁₄₎.

Forced sex-selling and begging is also common on the streets, leaving children at risk of abuse and exploitation from the adult organisers of this work. Sex work is particularly prevalent among girls: a study in Tanzania found that 79 percent of girls counted on the street at night were involved in commercial sex work, rising to 86 percent of the 15 to 18 year old girls counted _(9).

Crime as a means of survival and coping mechanism

Street children are often viewed negatively by officials and others in the community. They are seen as a problem and associated with crimes, such as stealing, loitering, sleeping in prohibited places, selling goods illegally, as well as using drugs and alcohol ₍₂₎.

Stereotypes of street children as ‘criminals’ and ‘delinquents’ fail to understand the complex lives that these children lead ₍₁₎₍₃₎. In many incidences, street children only resort to illegal work practices or crimes like stealing after being left with no other alternative to earn a living or for survival ₍₂₎₍₄₎. They can also be forced into it by adults and other children who are exploiting them. Drugs and alcohol, on the other hand, are often used as a coping mechanism by street children, thought to offer a relief from the harsh realities of their everyday lives _(1)(4).

How do street children process into adulthood and what are the long-term effects of street involvement?

Pathways in adulthood

Research has shown that children’s lives can develop in numerous directions once being involved with the street ₍₄₎. Some of these pathways are more negative, as former street children are more likely to take part in organised crime and end up in the penal system. In Brazil it is thought that over a third of street children have been placed inside young offender institutions ₍₁₃₎.

Some of the pathways which street children take into adulthood are more positive. They can find routes into housing, off-street work or education ₍₁₎. In many cases, children require interventions from the government, NGOs or other support networks to help with the transition into off-street life and overcome barriers, such as costs, lack of documentation, fear and discrimination _(1)(4)(5). With this support not available for every child, it is the case that many children remain street dwellers into late adulthood ₍₁₎.

Worryingly, several studies have also indicated that there is a high mortality rate among street children. Incidences of death among street youth can be linked to a number of factors, including their exposure to violence, high rates of substance use, mental health problems and susceptibility to illness and diseases like HIV, combined with their lower uptake of health care _(1)(14). The nature of street work is often dangerous, meaning that street children are also prone to accidents, such as when begging close to traffic in busy cities ₍₁₀₎.

Long-term effects of street involvement

The experiences which street children face in the early stages of lives can have a range of impacts on their physical, mental and emotional wellbeing. All of these factors have consequences on a child’s long-term health and personal development through adolescence and into adulthood.

Mental and emotional impacts: Violence is one of the biggest dangers of street life, affecting children not just physically, but also mentally and emotionally. Research suggests that incidences of abuse can severely affect children’s ability to trust and form attachments and, thereby, make it difficult to form appropriate and meaningful relationships in the future ₍₃₎₍₄₎. The violence experienced by street children can also result in trauma and emotional distress, which if not addressed can cause psychological damage and mental health problems, such depression, post-traumatic stress and anxiety ₍₄₎.

High levels of substance use, which is common among street children, has also been proven to have a negative effect on mental health _(1)(3)(4).

Physical impacts: The physical conditions which street children are subjected to are poor. They often work and sleep in areas which are dirty, polluted and exposed to harsh weather. These environments pose a major risk to children’s health, as chest problems are likely and infectious diseases like malaria and cholera spread easily. Since many street children lack food or have a poor diet, it is also common for them to experience shunted growth and appear physically much younger than their actual age ₍₄₎. Being deprived of nutrition negatively affects a child’s activity and motivation levels too, which are important for their cognitive development ₍₁₀₎.

Given the lack of medical care accessible to children on the street, those suffering from health problems or injuries from accidents and assaults frequently do not get the treatment they need _(4)(10). This can increase the severity of the issue in the long term and even have fatal consequences.

To conclude…

With millions of children living and working on the streets around the world and evidence to suggest these numbers are rising, it is clear that the global humanitarian crisis of street children needs to be tackled. Before coming to the streets, these children have already lived in deprived conditions, often experiencing extreme poverty, family collapse, death, abuse or neglect at home, meaning that the street has become their best or only option for survival. On the streets they face more dangers, including high rates of violence, poor physical conditions and a lack of access to healthcare, education and basic necessities, like food, clothing and shelter.

Without proper support street children may struggle to adapt to life off the street and pursue negative pathways into adulthood, such as becoming involved in organised crime and ending up in the penal system. If their issues are not addressed, they are also likely to experience long-term impacts on their mental and physical health, and even face higher risks of death. As this is the case, the support from charities and NGOs is vital in helping alleviate the problems of street children and providing them with the care and protection they need.

Sources used in this article:

Benitez S (2011) State of the World’s Street Children: Research. Consortium for Street Children.
Consortium for Street Children (2015) Street-Connected Children Myth Busters: Challenge Your Perceptions.
OHCHR, United Nations Children’s Fund, Consortium for Street Children and Aviva (2013) Protection and promotion of the rights of children working and/or living on the street.
Smeaton, E (2012) Struggling to Survive: Children Living Alone on the Streets in Tanzania and Kenya. Railway Children.
Ray P, Davey C and Nolan P (2011) Still on The Streets – Still Short of Rights: Analysis of policy and programmes related to street involved children. Plan and Consortium for Street Children
Railway Children (2016) Children on the streets of Kitale: Headcount findings 2015.
Consortium for Street Children (2015) Advocacy and Action Guide: Making rights a reality for street-connected children.
Comic Relief (2009-12) Street and Working Children & Young People’s Programme (SWC&YP) Strategy 2009-12.
Government of the United Republic of Tanzania and USAID Kizazi Kipya Project (2018) Street-Connected Children in Tanzania: Headcount Findings 2017.
Duci V and Tahsini I (2016) Regional research on prevalence of street children phenomenon in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia. Save The Children.
Guga E S (2010) Final Evaluation of Building the Capacity of Local CBOs and Government Agencies to Improve the Lives of Migrant Children Project. FTF/ICT/ CSC, Dar es Salaam.
Street Child (2015) The Street Child Ebola Orphan Report.
Consortium for Street Children (2016) Street Children: A Global Picture (Infographic/Map).
Embleton L, Ayuku D, Makori D, Kamanda A and Braitstein P (2018) Causes of death among street-connected children and youth in Eldoret, Kenya. BMC International Health and Human Rights, 18 (19).

Lucy Darragh In Programmes

Helping 100 Children At-Risk in Payatas, The Philippines – Mid-Term Update

We wrote previously about a project we started with our partner, Fairplay Foundation for All, which set out to help 100 children living in poverty and at-risk in the Payatas slum area, the Philippines. Thanks to kind sponsors and the hard work of our fundraisers, we’ve funded the nutrition aspect of this project: the initiative to provide free healthy and nutritious meals to children after the twice-weekly football sessions.

In our last article we talked about how Fairplay had measured the children against five key performance indicators (KPIs) to use as a baseline to understand how they are suffering and what could be done about it. Six months on, all of these KPIs, aside from the Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs), have been measured again. We’ll give an outline of how these results compare below, as well as some details about what will happen next in the project.

Be sure to check out our previous blog post to see an outline of the project and the baseline results in more detail.

Update on the KPIs

During this second wave of measurements, only 93 out of the 100 children who originally took part in the project were available. This means that the sample size is slightly smaller.

Body Mass Index (BMI)

The mid-term results show that there has been a slight improvement in the physical growth of the children in Payatas. While the average BMI is still classified in the underweight category, it has increased slightly from 18.4 to 18.6. The majority of the children are still also underweight, but this proportion dropped by 7 percentage points, from 68 to 61 percent. Meanwhile, the number of children at a ‘normal’ weight increased from 26 to 29 percent.

This is particularly pleasant news to us here at Poverty Child, as it means that our funding towards providing nutritional assistance to the children has had some effects and has led to improvements in their physical health.

Learned Optimism (LO)

On average, the reported level of optimism and self-esteem amongst the children has remained relatively steady. The average score for self-esteem has stayed at level 5, described as ‘moderately low self-esteem’, while average level of optimism has increased just slightly from -1 to 0, both of which are in the ‘very pessimistic’ category.

There has, however, been positive changes within some of the specific categories. The number of children reporting ‘moderately high self-esteem’ has grown from 23 to 35 percent. At the same, the proportion of those described as ‘very pessimistic’ has fallen from 70 to 54 percent. These results have been offset by changes in other categories, which is why the average scores have stayed very similar. Nevertheless, if the trend continues, it does suggest significant improvements for the most at-risk groups.

Growth Mindset

The mid-term results suggest that the overall mindset of the children has stayed largely stable. The average score in the last round of testing was 36, characterised as a ‘growth mindset with some fixed ideas’, and this has remained the same in the tests this time around. While some of the children have shifted between categories, others have improved only slightly and within their steady category, which is why the overall percentages have remained very similar.

Although there has been no strong improvement in the mindset of the children, we did mention in our last article that baseline results of this test were unusually positive compared to the other KPIs. In addition, the Emotional Quotient (EQ) club which is targeted at promoting social and emotional development was delayed in starting and is due to begin in September. It is understandable, therefore, that the project has seen no specific changes in the children’s mindset so far.

Risk of Depression

The results of the depression test mid-way through the project are alarming. Since the baseline test, the average score among the children has increased from 24, classified as ‘moderately depressed’, to 26, categorised as ‘several depressed’. The proportion of children in the ‘severely depressed’ category has increased too: in the second round of testing, 67 percent of children were categorised as ‘severely depressed’ compared to 45 percent in the first round.

Fairplay has sought to identify reasons why these scores may have increased so much over the last few months and have highlighted the recent political and economic struggles in the Payatas community. The drug war in the Philippines has now become infamous internationally, with recurring incidences of police brutality being reported in Payatas. Several children taking part in the project have had one or both parents arrested, while others have had family members killed. This has not only had an emotional impact on those affected directly, but also created anxiety and fear in the community as a whole. On top on this, the worsening economy, with high inflation, has created additional financial stresses on already vulnerable families.

It is likely that these deeper issues have threatened the mental well-being of residents in Payatas, as well as the outcomes of the project so far. They suggest the need for extra social and emotional support for the families in the long-term.

What happens next?

The results of the tests mid-way through the project have given a good indication as to how the project is going so far and what can be improved upon in the next six months and beyond. Here are some of the next steps the project will take:

Starting the weekly EQ club in September: Due to difficulties in finding the right person for the role, the Emotional Quotient (EQ) club that was intended to begin in February has been postponed and is now scheduled to start in September. Currently in Payatas, there is a large social divide within the community, where residents who live on different streets and areas have negative views and stereotypes of one another. The EQ club intends to work on this problem by helping the children grow more self-awareness and empathy, before mixing youth from opposite groups together. This is with the aim of reconciling their perceived differences and potentially breaking the social divide in Payatas.
Sport sessions for mothers: Another new initiative is to organise social sport for mothers of attending children, including volleyball sessions, Zumba classes, and similar activities, so that they are able to participate in exercise together. Hopefully, this will build relationships in the community and help gain the trust of parents who sometimes have reservations about sending their children to the centre.
Expand topics covered at the Youth Group sessions: Taking into account the results of the mid-term tests, the Youth Group will seek to include more sessions on topics such as promoting optimism and seeing stress as a challenge rather than a threat. This is with the hope of sustaining improvements in growth mindset, optimism, and lessening the risk of depression.
Further recommendations to come at the end of the project: It is difficult to know how the situation in the community will develop and unfold in the next six months and beyond this. Currently, the economic and political pressures in Payatas are the biggest challenges faced by the project, and the community development team is still learning how to overcome these. The final tests done at the end of the project will indicate the overall effect of the interventions and these outcomes can be used to develop strategies to support the children most at-risk.

To see a final update on these KPIs and how the children are doing at the end of this project, be sure to keep up-to-date with our work.

Lucy Darragh In Programmes

Helping 100 Children At-Risk in Payatas, The Philippines

In February 2018, our partner Fairplay For All Foundation launched a project we’re co-funding aimed at helping 100 children living in poverty and at-risk in Payatas, The Philippines. The project intends to support these children by providing regular sport, nutrition and social groups that help to improve their quality of life as well as their physical and mental wellbeing. Four main interventions have been developed with the children in mind and form the basis of this project. These are:

The organisation of football sessions held two times a week;
The provision of free healthy, nutritious meals at the Fairplay Café;
Weekly sessions aimed at improving the emotional intelligence of the children;
For children aged 13 and above, youth groups teaching life skills held twice a week.

Thanks to kind donations and the hard work of our fundraisers, we’re funding the nutrition aspect of this project. The plan is that free meals will be provided to the children at the Fairplay Café after the twice-weekly football sessions. Since the café specialises in vegetarian, healthy food, it guarantees a much higher standard of nutrition for the children who have poor diets.

For us, nutritional support is an extremely important aspect of the program. Not only is nutrition an important determiner for physical health and growth, but it also has a huge impact on mental health outcomes. Without adequate and healthy food provisions, children may experience stunted growth, difficulties in learning, behavioural problems and emotional issues such as depression, anxiety or bipolar disorder¹.

Before the start of the program, Fairplay gave the children taking part a series of tests to measure them against five key performance indicators or KPIs. These KPIs are body mass index (BMI), adverse childhood experiences (ACEs), learned optimism (LO), growth mindset, and risk of depression. The results of the tests have been used as a baseline to identify how the children are suffering and what can be done about it. They also offer the possibility to determine the overall success of the project, as the children will be tested again both mid-way and at the end of the programme.

We hope to see improvement in these KPIs over the period. The collected data will show whether the work we have done in collaboration with our partner has been beneficial to the children and has increased their quality of life.

A brief outline of the baseline results for the 100 children is given below. You can click through the link on each of the KPIs to find a description of them and why they are important. Be sure to keep up-to-date with our blog to see how the project is going and if there’s been improvements in these KPIs midway and after the programme has ended.

Body Mass Index (BMI)

The baseline results show a large degree of malnourishment among the children and indicate the need for nutritional assistance in the group. The average BMI of the 100 children is 18.4, classified in the underweight category. Furthermore, 52 percent of the male children, and 59 percent of the female children are considered underweight. The most underweight group is 7 to 12 year olds, with the average BMI generally increasing with age.

Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs)

ACEs is a tool used to measure the level of childhood trauma an individual has experienced. According to the baseline results, the children supported by this project are highly at-risk. Only 12 of the 100 children said they had not experienced any of the types of childhood trauma listed in the test, while 37 percent had encountered four or more. The most common types of trauma experienced are emotional abuse (59 percent), parental separation/death (52 percent) and physical abuse (42 percent).

Learned Optimism (LO)

LO measures the degree to which people are pessimistic or optimistic about their experiences and what impact this has on them long-term. When this was tested in Payatas, the results showed that, on average, the children are very pessimistic. Around 70 percent of them scored within the ‘very pessimistic’ category and a further 13 percent were rated ‘moderately pessimistic’. Only three percent of the children were deemed to be optimistic. The test also showed that around half of the children reported low self-esteem.

It is worth noting that LO test is relatively complex and therefore, when it was used it Payatas, it was only given to children aged 13 and above (40 out of 100).

Growth Mindset

A growth mindset is the belief that basic qualities, such as intelligence, creativity and talent, can develop over time through hard work, dedication and training. It is an extremely valuable mindset for a child to have. On the opposite end of the scale is a fixed mindset. This is the belief that these basic qualities are essentially predetermined, fixed traits and cannot be improved much, if at all.

Fairplay tested whether the children in Payatas have mainly growth or fixed mindsets, finding the results to be overwhelmingly positive compared to the other KPIs. Overall, 68 percent of the children have a predominately growth mindset, with this being strong in 13 percent. Less than a third of the children have a fixed mindset and none of them strong fixed mindset.

Risk of Depression

Fairplay used the Center for Epidemiologic Studies – Depression Child (CES-DC) test to measure the likelihood of depression among the children. This involved asking them 20 questions about what they had felt or experienced in the last seven days. The results of the test are alarming as they show that the large majority of the children are at risk of depression. Almost a half of the group (45 percent) scored 25 or above, categorised as being severely depressed, and 41 percent scored between 16 and 24, categorised as moderately depressed. There were no significant difference in results between males and females or between children of different ages. All groups seem to experience similar risks of depression.

In Summary

Overall, the baseline results show that the children supported by our project in Payatas are incredibly at-risk. Not only do they have smaller BMIs than others their age, but they are also suffering mentally due to childhood trauma, risks of depression and low self-esteem and optimism. We hope that through our partnership with Fairplay we will be able to help and assist the children in these and other aspects of their lives. We will keep you up-to-date with our progress here on our blog. Until then!

Sources

Fairplay For All Foundation (2018) Helping 100 Children At-Risk: How Much does Regular Sport, Nutrition, and Social Groups Improve the Well-being of Children in Payatas? Unpublished.
How Poor Nutrition Affects Child Development, Livestrong.com.

Lucy Darragh In Programmes

Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs): What are they and why are they important?

For children living in poverty, their risk of experiencing trauma in their childhood is much greater than other children. They may be born into families that are dysfunctional, neglectful or abusive or alternatively face dangers on the streets. When we seek to measure Adverse Childhood Experiences, we can use them to understand how a child has suffered from trauma and what we can do about it.

What are Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs)?

ACEs are a tool used to indicate the level of childhood trauma an individual has experienced. They are measured by asking respondents ten questions which each relate to a particular category of childhood trauma, such as abuse, neglect and household dysfunction. Each answer confirming the occurrence of a type of trauma is added up to give a score out of ten. As a person’s ACE score increases, they become more and more at-risk.

Why are they important?

It is important to look at the degree to which the children have experienced trauma in their childhood to understand the resulting negative impact on their mental and physical health. Research has found that those with an ACE score of four or more have a two to four times greater risk of heart disease, diabetes and other chronic conditions, and an attempted suicide rate 12 times higher than individuals experiencing no childhood trauma. For those with ACE score of 6 or above, the attempted suicide rate increases to 46 times higher, and their life expectancy is reduced by up to 20 years.

How do they affect our work?

Our programme partner Fairplay is using risk of depression as a key indicator to measure progress of the work we’re co-funding. If you would like to find out more about our partnership project ‘Helping 100 Children At-Risk in Payatas, The Philippines’, please check out our work. As we continue to work with children living in poverty across the world, we hope to support those who have experienced trauma and create environments where these dangers are eliminated.

Sources:

Fairplay For All Foundation (2018) Helping 100 Children At-Risk: How Much does Regular Sport, Nutrition, and Social Groups Improve the Well-being of Children in Payatas? Unpublished.
TEDMED: How childhood trauma affects health across a lifetime. Sep 2014.

child poverty

Overview

What is poverty?

Disability – a cause of poverty

Poverty – a cause of disability

Poor health

Malnourishment

Homelessness

Isolation

Summary

Poverty and disability in street children

Your recycling helps give flexibility.

Your recycling helps to fund vital research.

It’s a vital part of our fundraising strategy.

Most importantly, your recycling helps slum and street children.

Commit yourself to the task of decluttering

Tidy by category, not by location

Ask yourself, “does this item bring me joy?”

Contact us for postage materials

Send your unwanted goods to us

Who are street children?

Who does the term ‘street children’ refer to?

How many street children are there and where do they live?

Street children have diverse characteristics and experiences

What causes children to live or work on the street?

Push and pull factors

Broader societal problems

Life on the street

Challenges faced by street children

Violence becomes a part of everyday life

Crime as a means of survival and coping mechanism

How do street children process into adulthood and what are the long-term effects of street involvement?

Pathways in adulthood

Long-term effects of street involvement

To conclude…

Sources used in this article:

Update on the KPIs

What happens next?

In Summary

Sources

What are Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACEs)?

Why are they important?

How do they affect our work?

Sources:

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